South Africa Country Report Synthesis

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[top] [end]A. Household energy demand and use

[top] [end]A.1 Introduction

This section provides an overview of the available data on household energy use in South Africa from the demand side. It is based on data from the 1996 Census plus a number of other surveys carried out by local researchers and international development agencies. The Census took a supply side perspective, to establish what type of energy (fuel) households used for cooking, heating and lighting. (see http://web.uct.ac.za/depts/cssr/resource/census/census96/pdf for the original survey questionnaire). Other surveys have tried to broaden the type of data collected, for example, the SALDRU survey asked who is responsible for collecting wood, how long it takes to collect wood, and what households spent on each of the fuels used.

The 1996 Census gave the number of households in South Africa as 9059571, which by the end of 2002 it was estimated that currently there are at about 10 million. A majority of these households, approximately 57% can be classified as low-income, and most of them are based in rural areas where the living conditions are still considerable poor. The focus of this report is on low-income households.

Households in South Africa cook at least twice a day, except in areas where there are food scarcities, energy shortages or labour shortages (no one to actually do the cooking), here cooking may only take place once a day (Palmer Development Consulting, 2001). The most common method of cooking is boiling, and often involves staple foods that take a long time to cook. The most common types of food cooked are maize meal, samp and beans, vegetables and meat.

[top] [end]A.2 Cooking

Households cook at least twice a day, except in areas where cooking may only take place once a day due to food scarcities, energy shortages or labour shortages (no one to actually do the cooking). The most common method of cooking is boiling, and often involves staple foods that take a long time to cook. Low-income households use a variety of energy forms for cooking: electricity paraffin, woodfuel, coal, LPG, cow dung, and other biomass fuels such as crop residues (PDC 2001). Charcoal use is not common in South African low-income households. Solar cookers are at the demonstration stage in South Africa and so no long term data are available on use and attitudes. There is a prevalence of multiple fuel use (Mehlwana et al. 1996, Mehlwana et al. 1998, Jones et al 1996, White 2000). Consequently, to reflect the range of fuels, there is a wide variety of cooking devices: braziers, paraffin wick and pressure stoves, wood/coal stoves, open fire using three legged pots, LPG stoves, electric stoves particularly hotplates.

The 1996 Census provided a first attempt to give a comprehensive insight into household energy since the ANC led democratic government came into power in 1994. Based on the Census results, 22.8% of low-income households use wood for cooking. Highest wood consumption is recorded in the three poorest provinces namely Northern Province, KwaZulu Natal and Eastern Cape all of which have high density rural settlement patterns and extremely impoverished socio-economic conditions. For example, about 64 % of households in Northern Province use wood for cooking compared with less than 1% in Gauteng Province. Kerosene (paraffin) is nearly as popular as wood for cooking with 21.4% of low-income households using this fuel. Many people find it expensive to cook with electricity so it is used with caution; despite this perception of cost, an estimated 20% of households using electricity for cooking is low-income. Nationally about 47% of low-income households are reported to use electricity for cooking, but a majority of these households fall into the middle/high income category. The perception that electricity is expensive when used for cooking and space heating has probably been facilitated by the use of prepayment meters, which allow people to monitor their energy consumption. Less popular cooking fuels are coal (10.4%) and LPG (3 %).

Three barriers to the use of household fuels have been identified; availability, cost and negative perceptions of the fuel. Availability is an issue for wood, LPG, coal and kerosene. Availability of LPG is a problem of access. Women find the cylinders too heavy to carry and without their own means of transport they need male assistance for portering. If there are no men in the household or they are unwilling to help, LPG ceases to be an option. Financial cost, both of fuels (LPG, kerosene and electricity) and appliances, is a significant barrier to fuel switching to cleaner or more efficient commercial fuels. For example, with LPG, people who want to use larger cylinders have to pay a deposit (between 7.5 and 8.5 Euro depending on location) for these bottles. Electrical cooking appliances are expensive; as a result, many newly electrified households either buy second hand appliances or rely on two-burner hotplates (which have short lifetimes). End-users also have a number of negative perceptions about different fuels. These negative perceptions range from health and safety, to cleanliness and lack of convenience. Kerosene, wood and coal are smoky fuels which are associated with indoor air pollution linked to respiratory problems and eye irritation. Kerosene fumes are particularly problematic for asthmatics. With regard to safety, the danger of asphyxiation or explosion causes LPG to be feared by many low-income households particularly amongst non-users. Furthermore, the popular wick stoves, which are commonly found in low-income households, are associated with fires and burns. Lastly, coal, in addition to the smoke and its hazards, is considered to be dirty and inconvenient for cooking because it takes time to ignite and leaves black residue on the hands.

[top] [end]A.3 Space heating

Space heating is a significant energy service in colder parts of the country and the number of households using coal doubles during the winter months. Fuels used for space heating in low-income households include kerosene (paraffin) (14.3%), coal (8%), wood (26.6%), LPG (approximately 1%), and electricity (44.4%) (which is mainly used by middle and high income households) (Percentages based on 1996 Census data). Low-income rural households are unlikely to use grid electricity for space heating for cost reasons. The use of coal is mainly confined to areas near to the mines (extensively in Free State, Gauteng, and Mpumalanga and, to a lesser extent, Kwazulu Natal and North West Provinces) (Qase 2000; Lloyd 2001).

Space heating is often a by-product of cooking (Banks et al 1999). Paraffin heaters are generally used for space heating and cooking (especially for simmering and baking). In some cases, people place a metal sheet on top of the paraffin stoves to disseminate heat into the house. Similarly, coal stoves are used simultaneously for cooking, space heating and water heating. Dedicated space heating appliances are mainly electric and LPG heaters.

Three barriers to using less polluting fuels have been identified; availability, cost and negative perceptions of the fuel. Availability is a particular constraint to the use of wood and coal in some areas. Cost of both the fuel and appliances are constraints for the use of LPG and electricity. Electricity is perceived to be too expensive to use for space heating as a result when it is used, low-income households tend to exercise caution, for example, an electric heater will be switched on for a limited time. Alternatively, households opt to use alternatives such as paraffin and preferably wood where is available at no direct financial cost.

The need for a dedicated appliance is another cost constraint for LPG and electricity use since many low-income households prefer to economise by combining space heating with other activities such as cooking, baking or water heating. . End-users also have a number of negative perceptions about different fuels used for space heating. Paraffin fumes irritate the eyes and the smoke from coal has negative health effects. Some people believe that electric heaters are not "warm enough" (that is, they cannot heat up a large area) compared to LPG and paraffin heaters.

[top] [end]A.4 Hot water

Fuels used for water heating are the same as the cooking fuels, namely paraffin, wood, coal, electricity, and LPG (Banks et al 1999). Warm or hot water may be required for washing dishes and clothes, and for personal hygiene. However, in low-income households, people often make do with far less hot water (compared to high income households) because of energy, water or income scarcity ( Energy and Development Group 1998; Qase 2000). Hot water is also required in small enterprises such as for cleaning freshly slaughtered chickens and cleaning and cooking sheep heads.

Options for water heating include large containers heated on an open fire or stove, water jackets incorporated into some stoves, donkey boilers, gas, electric and solar water geysers. Very few electric geysers are used in low-income households and extremely unlikely in rural areas. Gas geysers are also not found in the low-income market while solar hot water heaters are still in the experimental phase in some of the townships. The cost of solar water heaters in a low-income market and the need to develop a supply and maintenance infrastructure mean that it will take time before solar water heaters can be taken up by rural households.

Washing machines are an alternative to the more cumbersome methods for clothes washing. However, to date there is an imperceptible level of ownership of washing machines in low-income rural households, and a negligible percentage in low-income urban households.

Three barriers to using fuels for water heating have been identified: availability, cost and convenience. With regard to convenience, preparing a wood or coal fire takes time, therefore in order to save time, people may opt to use kerosene, LPG or electricity. At the same time when large quantities of hot water are required, wood and coal are the preferred options because they can be cheaper. Paraffin stoves are not suitable for heating large quantities of water e.g. for washing clothes, because these stoves are not stable enough to hold large and heavy pots. This means that if there are no other alternatives to paraffin, users are forced to heat the required amount of water in small quantities several times, which can be burdensome for the user.

Availability of appliances also influences fuel use for water heating, for example, LPG and electric hot water geysers are not common in South African low-income households, particularly in rural areas. Generally, LPG and electricity are used primarily for rapid heating or cooking in low-income households; electric kettles are popular for heating small quantities of water for bathing and for rapid boiling of water for hot beverages. Urns, as an alternative to geysers, are not commonly used at the moment, probably because of the cost barrier.

[top] [end]A.5 Lighting

Fixed indoor and external lighting can meet most needs, however, it is useful to have portable lighting sources for work areas, to take into a bedroom or other dwelling within the homestead, or to service outdoor cooking/entertainment areas. Good (outdoor and indoor) lighting is particularly important for learners, teachers etc for reading and writing at night. Security is another valuable attribute associated with lighting. For instance, women believe that outdoor lighting enhances personal safety at night. Similarly small enterprise operators, most of whom are women, prioritise electricity for security in the evening and for extending daily operating hours. In many cases however, rural areas do not have the privilege of street lighting, as a result households use their own outside lights in order to achieve at least a minimum level of lighting.

A range of energy sources is used for lighting (i.e. candles, paraffin, LPG, batteries, solar energy, and grid electricity) (Banks et al 1999) and low-income households frequently use more than one source even in households that have grid or solar electricity. The widespread availability of affordable candles and kerosene mean that, unlike in many other low-income households throughout Africa, people do not have to rely on the open fire as their main lighting source. Similarly, dry cell battery operated torches do not provide general house lighting but are used by most households occasionally. At the time of the 1996 Census, 28.8 % of households used candles and 12.7% used kerosene (paraffin) for lighting. The widespread use of candles can be attributed to their accessibility and the absence of any associated appliance requirements. There is no evidence to the contrary that all the households with grid electricity, use it for lighting. However, the extent of use will vary, depending on household access to house wiring, lighting fixtures and light bulbs. It is also likely that many electrified households continue to use other sources of energy for lighting.

There is a wide range of appliances used to produce light: paraffin wick lamps, paraffin lamps with mantles, pressure lanterns, LPG lights using a mantle, torches powered by dry cell batteries, DC incandescent or fluorescent lights, and lights operated from car batteries or small solar, or other DC power, systems, and grid connected incandescent and fluorescent lights.

A number of factors influence decision making about which type of lighting source to use. Electricity easily displaces candles and paraffin for lighting because the light from electric lamps is of a superior quality. It is possible that by now the proportion of low-income households using candles and/or paraffin as their primary source for lighting is less than the figures from the 1996 Census due to the increase in the number of households connected to grid electricity and those that have received solar home systems.

House wiring seems to be the main barrier preventing low-income households from totally abandoning candles and kerosene for electric lights. Newly electrified households are provided with one fixed light fitting and householders have to provide the wiring for other rooms. The cost of this wiring is proving to be a barrier to the transition to more efficient energy sources (Mehlwana et al 1996; Qase 1998).

Cost is also a barrier to the use of LPG for lighting. Paraffin lamps, candles and electricity are more competitive than LPG for lighting even though both kerosene and candles have health and safety costs, as already indicated. In addition, the glass shades for paraffin lamps break easily, and replacing them can prove to be very costly. (It is impossible to not handle glass shades as these often need to be cleaned after use, to remove soot or smoke residue from burning paraffin). However, these disadvantages seem not to deter low-income households from using either paraffin lamps or candles, maybe due to lack of alternatives or inability to afford conversion requirements for other fuel options. Where there is no electricity, the fuel choice for lighting is mainly confined to paraffin and candles, both of which are unsafe and costly. This situation is very dynamic and fluid, as many households avoid the use of candles because of their association with fires, while many others avoid using paraffin due to concerns about the cost of replacing glass shades. Fuel related fires affect both rural and urban households, but the spread of fires when it breaks out in rural areas is minimal due to low density of dwellings.

[top] [end]A.6 Refrigeration and space cooling

Refrigeration is required for the storage of perishable products such as meat and vegetables. Access to refrigeration allows householders to buy perishable products in bulk which saves money and time, especially since many low-income households in South Africa live far from the supermarkets or large chain stores which offer lower prices. Space cooling is a significant priority in hot and humid areas even though many low-income households cannot afford this service.

The main fuels used for refrigeration (both fridges and deep freezers) are electricity, LPG and paraffin. Electricity is the preferred choice for refrigeration, which is supported by the fact that immediately after getting access to grid electricity, householders who have LPG or paraffin refrigerators often switch over to electrical refrigeration. LPG is popular in non-electrified areas. For example, a survey of 120 households in non-electrified rural areas in KwaZulu-Natal (Siqakatha and Mbila/Mabaso tribal authorities) found 23 households using LPG for refrigeration (Aitken 2001). Paraffin fridges in contrast are considered to be less reliable.

The cost of acquiring cooling and refrigeration appliances is prohibitive and acts as a barrier to low-income households being able to make use of this energy service. Like any other expensive appliances, most people have to buy these appliances second hand or use hire purchase (HP) to get brand new appliances. To be able to buy goods on HP, one has to have a good credit record or have a stable income preferable through formal employment. Since unemployment is high, and most people, especially in low-income households, generate income from self-employment, getting access to HP is rather impossible. It is also difficult to find some electrical appliances in rural areas. Furthermore, there are no agents who can do repairs to broken or faulty appliances in most rural areas.

[top] [end]A.7 Communications and entertainment services

Communication and entertainment services are generally required to keep in contact for both social and business purposes with relatives, friends and colleagues located in different areas. Media communication is also useful for keeping abreast of world events, sports etc.; hi-fis (music systems) are also used during celebrations. Radio communications are used in many rural areas, and are particularly useful for rural clinics where there is no access to a telecommunication network.

A survey in 2002, by University of Cape Town, found that nationally about 70% of low-income households use grid electricity for communications and entertainment (UCT 2002). However, since grid electricity is still not available to almost 50% of rural homes, these non-electrified households use batteries (both lead acid and dry cell). At the same time some electrified households continue to use battery operated radios because they do not have access to DC adaptors.

Cost and convenience are the main constraints to further use of batteries for this energy service. Dry cell batteries do not last long, and are considered expensive. In order to reduce costs, and prolong the lifetime of dry cell batteries, many low-income households use these sparingly, for example, people will listen to important broadcasts such as news bulletin, stories, and sport. Lead acid batteries are inconvenient due to the frequent requirement for them to be re-charged. They are heavy to carry to and from the re-charge stations. In some cases, the re-charging stations are located far away from homes in small urban centres and people require transport to get there. Furthermore, it is often not possible for the batteries to be re-charged during weekends, causing a great deal of frustration among the users.

Inadequate information about how to convert from using batteries to mains electricity or sometimes access to inverters are among the constraints reported for increased access to communication and entertainment services.

[top] [end]A.8 Household appliances

Some labour saving devices commonly found in middle income households could also be used for income generating purposes based in the household. Examples of appliances in this category are: food processors; hairdryers; washing machines; vacuum cleaners; sewing machines; and toasters/sandwich makers. Although household appliances are required and are often found in low-income households, there are no studies as yet that quantify their distribution. Most studies concentrate on basic services, with many of these additional household appliances mostly being perceived to be 'luxury items'. Most of the appliances use grid electricity.

Availability of electricity is the main barrier in non-electrified rural households. In electrified rural and urban households, the main barrier is the energy/appliance cost. Given the trade off between women's labour and some of these labour saving devices such as washing machines, vacuum cleaners, and food processors, most low-income households opt to use the 'free' labour of women and children.

[top] [end]A.9 Energy for micro-enterprises

Micro-enterprises are needed to generate income either as a sole source or as a supplement to other household income. Common types of enterprises include the sale of cooked food, cold soft drinks, ice cream or ice licks, cold beer, home brewed beer, freshly slaughtered chickens, fresh meat, spaza shop operations (small village or township level retailers specializing on selling basic commodities), hair and beauty salons, welding, and battery charging stations.

Micro-enterprises use a variety of fuels: Coal, Wood, LPG, electricity, and paraffin.

Open drums are used as cooking utensils to heat large quantities of water on open fires for chicken plucking etc; and half cut drums are used to braai/grill meat for sale, blow torches (paraffin or LPG powered) are used for such diverse enterprises from welding to cleaning sheep heads. Other appliances used include stoves, refrigerators and hair dryers (for salons).

Electricity, where available, is seen as either too expensive and/or the quality of service is too poor to provide a reliable input for income generation activities (Qase 2000).

[top] [end]A.10 Summary and conclusions

Household energy needs in South Africa are met by a variety of fuels: electricity (grid, solar, dry cells, lead acid batteries), paraffin, woodfuel, coal, LPG, cow dung, and other biomass fuels such as crop residues. However, unlike in many other low-income households throughout Africa, in South Africa kerosene (paraffin) is nearly as popular as wood for cooking with around 21% of low-income households using kerosene as opposed to approximately 23% using wood. Geographical location, as well as income, are strong determinants of fuel use: low-income households in densely populated rural areas use fuelwood, while near the coal fields coal is popular.

South Africa has a high demand for both space heating (due to altitude and a cold winter season) and space cooling. While many low-income households cannot afford the energy and appliances for cooling, they do use energy for heating. Interestingly the number of households using coal doubles during the winter months.

Low-income households often make do with far less hot water (compared to high income households) because of energy, water or income scarcity which has negative consequences for health (personal hygiene, unboiled water, insufficiently cooked food).

Lighting both inside and outside the home is particularly valued for the feeling of security it generates. Households are prepared to provide their own external lighting, particularly in rural areas. Women believe outdoor lighting enhances personal safety at night. Small enterprise operators value lighting because it protects their property from theft, while it also allows them to operate for extended hours. When electricity becomes available in an area, households switch to electric lighting for its quality except where house wiring is a barrier. It is assumed that all the electrified households (50% of rural households and 83% of urban households use grid electricity for lighting).

There is a high frequency of multiple fuel use in households as well as a prevalence of multi-purpose end-use. For example, many households use their cooking appliances also for space heating, or use multiple fuel sources for lighting. However, unlike in many other low-income households throughout Africa, people in South Africa do not have to rely on the open fire as their main lighting source, in part this can be attributed to the widespread availability of candles and kerosene at affordable prices. Multi-purpose end-use can have negative consequences for the promotion of energy efficient devices or encouraging fuel switching, for example, an insulated stove might not be as effective at space heating as an uninsulated stove.

There are a number of barriers identified for households switching to more efficient or less polluting energy sources: cost (of both fuel and appliance), convenience, availability (of both fuel and appliance), and negative perceptions of a fuel. Cost is significant for LPG, electricity and kerosene for particular end applications. The deposit required on large cylinders of LPG is problematic for increased access. While many low-income households perceive electricity as too expensive to use for providing large quantities of thermal heat, for example, space heating, cooking and hot water for personal hygiene, its use is highly appreciated for applications which use small quantities of electricity (for example, lighting) or for higher power outputs over short periods when time saving can be important (for example, boiling water for drinks). Households rapidly switch to electric lighting (from candles and kerosene) and refrigeration (from LPG and kerosene). However, households do not seem to make a similar transition to using labour saving devices which require electricity, the trade off is to continue to use the 'unpaid' labour (and energy) of women and children. If women's economic status improved then most likely the household's attitude would change towards the acquisition of labour saving equipment. A concern is that low-income households usually buy second-hand electrical powered household equipment, which can be faulty and difficult to repair. This equipment is also most likely not to be the most energy efficient which means low-income households pay more for their energy than those who can afford more modern, energy efficient equipment. Low-income households are placed at a disadvantage because they are denied access to higher purchase since they usually do not meet the qualification criteria (steady income from regular employment).

Convenience is strongly linked to time saving. Wood and coal are considered inconvenient for cooking (which can be seen from the high percentage of households using kerosene) but are acceptable for boiling large quantities of water (perhaps because cooking needs to be supervised whereas water can be left unattended to boil); lead acid batteries are inconvenient because of the need for frequent re-charging requiring carrying to the recharging centre; paraffin stoves cannot accommodate the large quantities of water for washing - consecutive batches have to be boiled.

Availability is an issue for wood, LPG, coal and kerosene. Availability of LPG is a problem of access. Women find the cylinders too heavy to carry and without their own means of transport, they need male assistance for portering. Coal is restricted to the coalfields. It can be seen that the general provision of affordable alternatives, such as kerosene and candles for lighting, enable other energy conservation strategies or better quality service to be adopted. In this example, there is no need for a three stone fire to provide lighting so the household is able to switch to improved wood stoves or other fuels. Households switch to electricity for lighting and refrigeration as soon as the supply is available. Appliance availability is also a problem. In rural areas, there are problems with access to labour saving equipment. Electric, solar and LPG water heaters are not common in South African low-income households. The widespread use of candles has been in part due to the absence of any need for an associated appliance.

There are negative perceptions about different fuels. These range from health concerns related to kerosene use (effects of fumes on some people particularly asthmatics as well as irritating the eyes) to safety issues related to LPG (i.e. danger of asphyxiation or explosion), candles (fire hazards in low-income rural households which are constructed from flammable material) and kerosene (the popular low cost wick stoves are associated with fires and burns) to cleanliness (coal is dirty and smoky) to convenience (coal takes time to burn) and to perceptions of cost (the glass lamp shades in kerosene lamps break easily, hence kerosene lighting is considered costly to run; short life time of dry cell batteries; electricity for income generation).

[top] [end] B. Household energy supply

[top] [end]B.1 Introduction

This section examines the household energy in South Africa from the supply side. All energy sources, with the exception of charcoal, are used by low-income households. Charcoal use is confined to wealthier households for cooking as part of social events. The data available is limited and tends to be qualitative. A number of micro-level studies have been conducted and show some important trends, for example, commercialisation of fuelwood for meeting household basic needs.

[top] [end]B.2 Wood

Wood is generally used in poor households particularly in rural areas to meet thermal energy needs for cooking, space heating and water heating throughout the year. Methodological difficulties make it difficult to estimate the amounts used per household. However, the 1996 Census found that around 2.1 million households were using wood while other surveys have put the figure higher (see for example, Stewart 2001), estimating that it is used by about a third of South Africa's population.

While it is generally assumed that most wood is collected at no financial cost, there are some micro-level studies which indicate significant expenditure on wood by the low-income household sector. For example, in the Northern Province, a survey in two villages (Ga Mogano and Ga Maraba) found that more than 54 % of the 175 households purchased wood. Palmer (1999) found that households in Kameelrivier B in Mpumalanga province, about 120 km from the city of Pretoria paid between R25 (in summer) and R30 in winter for a typical large wood bundle. While a whole van or bakkie (light commercial vehicle) load would cost around R200 (1997 prices). Qase (2000) found that street food vendors in Gugulethu (an urban township in the Western Cape) bought fuelwood at R15 per supermarket trolley.

Open fires, using three stones to support the pot and iimbawula (wood braziers are made by individual households from 25 litre paraffin tins). In order to improve efficiency and save fuel, some households build a low wall in the shape of a cross in order to protect the fire from strong winds and orientate the stove so that it is least exposed to strong winds.

Using the three stone fire has zero monetary costs. The tins for the iimbawula are available at a low cost or can be acquired when one buys paraffin. No maintenance is required on iimbawula.

[top] [end]B.3 Crop residues / dung

Crop residues/dung are mainly used in rural areas. During dry season, or winter, when there is not enough grass for grazing cow dung becomes scarce. Crop residues are mainly available during the harvesting season.

Cow dung/crop residues are used for cooking, water heating and space heating. Around 100,000 people have their food prepared using dung, although fewer use it for space heating (around 85,000). There is no evidence that dung has become commercialised, instead people make cakes from their own cattle's dung or they collect dry cow dung from the veld.

Crop residues and dung are used to make open fires, alternatively iimbawula (wood braziers are made by individual households from 25 litre paraffin tins) are used as stoves for cooking. Three legged traditional pots are generally used for cooking on both open fires (supported with three stones) and iimbawula.

[top] [end]B.4 Charcoal

While charcoal is available in South Africa, it is mainly used by middle income households as a 'luxury' fuel e.g. outdoors for barbequing (braai). It is bought in bags of about 4 kg from a wide range of retailers including small corner cafes, supermarkets and petrol stations at about 2 Euros per bag.

[top] [end]B.5 Coal

Coal is predominantly used in households located within a 150 km radius from the coal mines, beyond this distance, it is less economical (it becomes too expensive and therefore less attractive to the low-income household market). Thus, coal is primarily used (in urban and peri-urban settlements)in Mpumalanga, Gauteng, Free State, and KwaZulu Natal to meet domestic energy needs for cooking, space heating (during winter) and to a certain extent, water heating. Households often combine water heating with either space heating or cooking.

The number of households using coals has been estimated at 950,000 (Stewart 2001).

The estimated annual use of coal is around 1 tonne per household and the total coal consumption lies between two and three million tonnes per annum. The price range for coal is between 67.74 and 74.19 Euro per toe (Qase et al, 2000).

Coal is supplied to the low-income household sector through a well developed distribution chain. Local merchants often deliver coal to the households in exchange for cash or householders purchase coal from local supermarkets. A study involving more than 400 households indicates that households opt to have their coal delivered rather than transport it themselves from the supermarket.

The coal is usually burned in iimbawula (or braziers) and cast iron stoves. Iimbawula are mainly home made by making small holes in metal tins to improve air circulation (Qase et al 2000). It works best with lumps of coal (approximately 70 by 40 mm). No chimneys are required and the stove is usually lit outside and moved indoors once the smoke level has declined to an acceptable level. Coal stoves are generally commercially made from cast iron and can cost from R 4000 upwards. These stoves are very heavy, and have a very long lifetime, about 25 years. The stoves that are widely used have a chimney, which is usually less than 2 m high, and requires lumps of coal (about 40 by 25 mm) to operate satisfactorily.

[top] [end]B.6 Kerosene

Kerosene (known as paraffin in South Africa) is one of the primary commercial sources of energy in low-income rural and urban households. Its popularity is linked to its general wide spread availability in both areas. Paraffin is mainly used for cooking, lighting, water heating and space heating, therefore, its use is likely to increase in winter. It is estimated that about 800 million litres (644,800 toe) per year are used by households.

Despite its popularity, kerosene has a number of draw backs, for example, exposure to unburned hydrocarbons, produced through inefficient combustion, and this situation is compounded by lack of space and poor housing design, and accidental poisoning of children related to the use of inappropriate containers used for kerosene storage. Furthermore, accidental fires associated with the use of poor quality conversion devices (mainly the wick stove) have also been reported. A recent study (http:/www.pasasa.org) reported that over a twelve month period between 2000 and 2001 about 46 000 fires and 50 000 paraffin related burns have been recorded.

There are two types of kerosene stoves commonly in use: wick and pressure (the latter is more commonly known by its brand name the Primus Stove). In the wick stove, the liquid is lifted by capillary action to the end of the wick. The region around the end of the wick is enclosed by heaters which conduct heat from the top of the stove, and the paraffin evaporates. The heaters are perforated, and air is drawn through the perforations, mixes with the paraffin vapour, and the mixture burns. Paraffin primus stoves have a pressurised storage tank. The vapour emerges through a 'sonic jet' designed to give efficient mixing to fuel and air. This efficient mixing leads to fewer unburned hydrocarbons, and the carbon monoxide emitted is lower than that from the wick stove.

Wick stoves are popular because they are relatively cheap (Lloyd 2001), however, they are not durable, and have been linked to a number of accidental fires and burns. The pressure stove has the advantages over the wick stove that it produces few unburned hydrocarbons, and the carbon monoxide emissions are lower. When either of these appliances are used for space heating only, a metal plate is placed on top of the flame to dissipate heat into the room.

[top] [end]B.7 LPG

The current distribution and pricing structure of LPG limits its use. In households where it is used, it is preferred for cooking and space heating. Both rural and urban households purchase LPG in cylinder sizes varying from 4.5 kg to 19kg.

In 2001, the use of LPG was estimated at 97 200 toe per annum (Lloyd 2002), but there is no published data on the number of households using this energy source.

Gas appliances tend to be either low pressure devices which operate off a regulated supply, or high pressure units, which are fed fuel at the gas bottle pressure. The latter is usually attached directly to small gas cylinders and uses very small jet sizes, in order to minimise the risk of high pressure leakage from flexible hoses. A variety of devices are available for use with LPG and with the exception of refrigerators (which operate on low-pressure gas supply only) can be found for use with low and high pressure supply.

High pressure gas lanterns are a bit noisy, but can be moved around easily. Low pressure lanterns are commonly available as fixed internal lighting. Low pressure cookers come with single, two, three or four plate burners. They are simple, robust, and durable and are also readily available. High pressure gas cookers come in a range of types. They are similar to the low pressure cookers, except that they are attached directly to the gas bottle. These are easily available but only as single burners; however, they represent a low cost option for many households. Gas hob and ovens are available with three, four or more hobs. Ovens can last for many years, mostly more than 20 years. Gas space heaters are very popular and work well.

[top] [end]B.8 Electricity

Grid electricity is available to almost 50% of the rural households due to the government supported electrification drive which was initiated by the national utility Eskom in 1991. The African National Congress led government of national unity endorsed this national electrification programme when it assumed power in 1994. Electrification has thus reached all nine provinces but the penetration rate differs between them.

Electricity is primarily used for lighting, powering television sets and hi-fis (music centres) and some local case studies indicate that rural households also use electricity for cooking and water heating where there is sufficient power to do so (EDRC, 2002). Electricity is also used by people who operate home-based enterprises particularly spaza shops (small retail outlets) and sewing business.

For lighting, people use incandescent lamps bulbs, which cost around 0.275 Euros and last about a year, and compact fluorescent lamps, which cost 4 Euros for 13 W with an estimated lifetime of 5 years. Cooking with electricity in low-income households is predominantly with hotplates. A hotplate is basically a portable stove with one or two cooking plates. It comes either with solid or ring plates. The ring plates heat up quickly and lose heat quickly once switched off compared to the solid plates which take time to heat up but retain heat for a while after the main power source has been switched off. Solid plates are regarded as good for simmering. Hotplates last from 6 months to 3 years. There has been no systematic investigation into the wide variation in lifetimes. Hotplate costs vary with location but an estimated average is about 23 Euros. There is no maintenance required other than normal care.

Eskom is the main electricity service provider in rural areas although some municipalities, which are responsible for urban areas, also have large segments of rural communities within their distribution areas. Some households are connected to credit meters while others are provided with pre-paid meters. Generally customers who are on credit meters have problems managing their electricity accounts, in part this is due to the fact that the utility does not do meter readings regularly (the general perception is that these meters are read once every three months). Whereas, usually customers who have pre-paid meters are able to match their consumption with their income. However, electricity is generally not used optimally in low-income households for a variety of reasons including inadequate access to suitable appliances, cost, and lack of access to house wiring. Payment of bills has been problematic for some households. There are people who have been connected to electricity but either they have disconnected themselves because they cannot afford to buy electricity (those on pre-paid meters) or they have been disconnected by the utility because they have failed to pay their monthly bills over a long period. There is no publicly available data on how many consumers are involved.

Eskom has standard nationwide tariffs and the most applicable set of tariffs for lower income rural households is the Homelight tariff. They vary according to the level of supply (maximum current) that is installed. A 2.5A supply can be obtained with no connection fee payable, and an energy cost of R0.4 per KWh including Value Added Tax (VAT). A 20A supply entails a R150 or 15 Euros connection fee and the same flat energy charge of R0.40 per kWh. A 20A supply is sufficient for operating a hotplate whereas the 2.5A current limited supply cannot be used for cooking.

Consumption is generally less than 200kWh per household per month. A study conducted by the Energy and Development Research Centre (University of Cape Town) found that on average households in Garagopola, a village in Limpopo province, consumed about 110kWh per household per month while in another village the average consumption was 65kWh per household per month (EDRC 2002). The average household income in these villages was R1000 in Garagopola and R700 in Antioch.

[top] [end]B.9 Summary and conclusions

Biomass fuels and kerosene are the most important household fuels for thermal energy needs in South Africa. Fuel type is linked to geographical location and to availability. Health and safety issues related to fuel use are a concern to the users and society in general.

Wood is generally used in low-income households, particularly in rural areas, to meet thermal energy needs for cooking, space heating and water heating throughout the year. Some surveys have estimated that wood is used by about a third of South Africa's population. Methodological difficulties make it problematical to estimate the amounts used per household. While it is generally assumed that most wood is collected at no financial cost, there are some micro-level studies which indicate significant expenditure on wood by low-income households. Wood continues to be burned in simple stoves, the three stone fire and the iimbawula (home-made braziers from 25 litre kerosene drums) predominating. These devices are popular because they are obtained either for zero or low monetary cost. This means that households are placing low value on women's time and health.

Crop residues and dung are mainly used in rural areas for cooking, water heating and space heating. Around 100,000 people are considered to use dung, however during the dry season, or winter, dung becomes scarce due to insufficient grass for grazing. Crop residues are mainly available during the harvesting season. There is no evidence that dung has become commercialised. Crop residues and dung are burned on the same devices as used for wood: the three stone fire and the iimbawula.

Charcoal use is confined to wealthier households for cooking as part of social events.

The use of coal is predominantly confined to households located within a 150 km radius from the coal mines (Mpumalanga, Gauteng, Free State, and KwaZulu Natal), beyond this distance, it becomes financially less attractive to the low-income households. Coal is primarily used in urban and peri-urban settlements to meet household energy needs for cooking, space heating (during winter) and to a certain extent, water heating. The significance of coal in the household can be seen from its estimated annual use per household which is around 1 tonne. The price range for coal is between 67.74 and 74.19 Euro per toe (Qase et al, 2000).

A well developed coal distribution chain exists for low-income households, either local merchants deliver directly in exchange for cash or coal is purchased from local supermarkets.

The coal is usually burned in iimbawula (or braziers) and cast iron stoves. Both types of stove require coal of specific dimensions for optimal operation. This raises concerns that the stoves are not always operated under optimal conditions which has implications not only for conversion efficiency but also for health linked to both particulate and carbon monoxide emissions. For example, the iimbawula is used without a chimney and the stove is usually lit outside and moved indoors once the smoke level has declined to a level acceptable to the user, unfortunately, this level might not be acceptable in the longer term for healthy lungs and eyes. Although the cast iron stoves have a very long lifetime, their upfront costs must act as a barrier to low-income households.

Kerosene (known as paraffin in South Africa) is one of the primary sources of energy in low-income rural and urban households. Its popularity is linked to its general wide spread availability in both urban and rural areas. Paraffin is mainly used for cooking, lighting and space heating, therefore, its use is likely to increase in winter. It is estimated that around 6 million households use about 800 million litres (644,800 toe) per year.

There are two types of kerosene stoves commonly in use: wick and pressure. Wick stoves are popular because they are relatively cheap, however, they are not durable, and have been linked to a number of accidental fires and burns (one estimate gave about 46 000 fires and 50 000 paraffin related burns in a twelve month period). The pressure stove has the advantages over the wick stove that it produces few unburned hydrocarbons, and the carbon monoxide emissions are lower.

Despite its popularity, kerosene has a number of draw backs in addition to fires and burns, for example, exposure to fumes when it is burning due to lack of space and poor housing design, and accidental poisoning of children related to the use of inappropriate containers used for kerosene storage. There is clearly a need for user education and the introduction of low-cost containers in sizes linked to the small quantities people usually buy kerosene in. Attention needs to be given to the design of housing for low-income groups for example to reduce the need for space heating. Such design should take into consideration the household energy use patterns, for example, increased ventilation to counter the effects of smoke or fumes resulting from paraffin, coal and wood use plus the need for storage space for the paraffin and LPG cylinders.

The use of LPG is limited by its current distribution and pricing structure. In households where it is used, it is preferred for cooking and space heating. Both rural and urban households purchase LPG in cylinder sizes varying from 4.5 kg to 19kg. In 2001, the use of LPG was estimated at 97 200 toe per annum, although there is no published data on the number of households using this energy source. The lack of such data in the public domain makes it difficult to track whether or not a transition to higher quality fuels is occurring. There is a range of appliances available, which operate on either low or high pressure gas: stoves, lights, heaters and refrigerators. The range of appliances means that users have a range of options to choose from, however, the fact that people have to put down a deposit for cylinders increases the upfront costs of using LPG, making it less competitive than paraffin, and wood. Considerable effort is made to ensure the safety of this fuel in storage and use. There is an apparent contradiction, which is as yet unexplored by researchers, in relation to safety issues acting as an access barrier to fuels. Fears about explosions and asphyxiation are raised by consumers in relation to LPG, while the same consumers are prepared to use paraffin with its associated fire hazards and indoor air pollution affects. An explanation might lie in the familiarity with paraffin, which has led to people internalising and accommodating the hazards (a "sleeping with the enemy" effect). LPG has been available for only a relatively short period of time and the "accommodation" phenomena has as yet to develop.

Electricity is available to almost 50% of rural households. While many households are able to benefit from access to this energy service, some low-income households still find the cost of the supply more than their budgets are able to sustain. Monthly billing is particularly problematic for low-income households, and some have even found the pre-paid meters difficult to manage.

Electricity is primarily used for lighting, powering television sets and hi-fis (music centres) and in some rural households, where there is sufficient power and income to do so, it is also used for cooking and water heating (EDRC, 2002). Low-income households that are able to use electricity for cooking use one- or two-ring hotplates. Electricity is also used by people who operate home-based enterprises particularly spaza shops (small retail outlets) and sewing business.

Eskom, the national utility supplying rural areas, has standard nationwide tariffs and the most applicable set of tariffs for lower income rural households is the Homelight tariff. There are two options based on the maximum installed current. A 2.5A supply can be obtained with no connection fee payable, and an energy cost of R0.4 per KWh including Value Added Tax (VAT). A 20A supply, which is necessary for operating a hotplate, entails a R150 or 15 Euros connection fee and the same flat energy charge of R0.40 per kWh. The only exception to this rule is areas that are considerable far from the national grid such as the Northern KwaZulu Natal region where customers are expected to contribute to the capital costs of extending grid to their homes. Connections fees have been estimated at 300 Euros according to some customers.

[top] [end]C. Household energy sector governance

[top] [end]C.1 Introduction

This section reviews the organisation of the household energy sector in South Africa. The primary responsibility for the energy sector lies with the Department of Minerals and Energy (DME), although a number of other agencies have overlapping responsibilities. It is notable that the DME has begun to address issues of conflicts of interest and missed opportunities by establishing a coordination structure.

The section also presents an overview of the supply chain responsibilities for the different fuels.

Government energy policies towards the household energy sector, which have been driven by a need to compensate for the injustices of the apartheid era, are briefly reviewed, as are the implications of the forces of globalisation in the South Africa energy sector.

[top] [end]C.2 Household energy sector governance structure

The Department of Minerals and Energy (DME) has the primary responsibility for the energy sector in South Africa. The Department provides energy policy direction, develops service delivery strategies and provides financial support in the form of subsidies. The Petroleum Industry is responsible for kerosene (paraffin) and LPG supply and distribution. Electricity supply and distribution is primarily the responsibility of the state owned utility, Eskom, although in some areas local government has responsibility for electricity distribution. A national electricity regulator is responsible for setting and monitoring electricity tariffs. Forestry matters are supervised by the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry (DWAF). Health issues are the jurisdiction of the Department of Health (DOH).

Although the Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism (DEAT) has the primary responsibility for environmental issues, parastatal organisations such as Eskom, CSIR and Sasol have their own environmental divisions. These parastatals play a critical role in solving environmental issues affecting the energy sector and their staff can be seconded to the line departments, such as DEAT.

A recent strategy has been to introduce an element of co-ordination of the different actors in the energy sector by forming working groups around particular issues, with representatives from the affected departments.

At present the electricity supply industry in South Africa is dominated by a vertically integrated electricity supply and distribution utility Eskom which is state owned. Eskom dominates the generation sector, with a total of 24 power stations, supplying about 98% of the country's electricity. Although Eskom is also heavily involved in distribution, local authorities also contribute significantly to the distribution and retailing of electricity to customers. Local authorities primarily supply electricity to urban and peri-urban customers although some local authorities, such as Durban Metro Electricity, have rural customers. Eskom takes primary responsibility of providing access to electricity in rural communities, and has taken over some of the former 'homeland' distributors.

Firewood supply is not managed by the government but is an unregulated sector activity (http://www.csir.co.za/environmentek/sarerd/biomass.html). Communities collect firewood from a variety of sources or buy firewood from an unregulated market. Sources of wood include:

Commercial forestry plantation residues
Deciduous tree off-cuts
Sustainable harvesting (i.e. cutting of dead wood only) from indigenous woodlands
In some areas people cut live trees in an unsustainable manner in order to obtain firewood
Alien vegetation control, which is driven by the Working for Water Programme has increased the supply of firewood in certain areas. The government, through the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry (DWAF) has authorised the cutting down of alien vegetation in order to save water.

Kerosene comes onto the household market as a by-product of petroleum refinery. There are about five refineries supplying about 800 million litres of paraffin to the household sector. There is a fairly well established paraffin distribution network which has been successful in promoting the use of paraffin in low-income urban and rural households. LPG is commercially available through the Petroleum and Gas Industry. Most of the multinational oil companies sell LPG through their subsidiaries such as Shell Easigas, BP Gas, TotalElfFina, and Handigas (Afrox). The distribution of LPG however, is poor in rural areas as the gas companies tend to avoid the poor road infrastructure in rural areas by concentrating their marketing efforts in urban areas.

Coal is mainly purchased by merchants from the mines and distributed to households. An insignificant number of people collect coal directly from the mine dumps.

[top] [end]C.3 Government policies/programmes

Access to electricity by all sections of the community in both urban and rural areas has been a high priority of the post-apartheid government. An accelerated household electricification programme was initiated by Eskom in 1991 and endorsed by the democratic government of South Africa in 1994. The aim of Phase I, completed in 2000, was to provide access to electricity for an additional 2 500 000 households, as well as connecting all schools and clinics without electricity. Eskom connected about 1.75 million households and the difference was covered by local municipalities. It is a notable success that targets were achieved and access to electricity increased from 36% of the households in 1994 to about 66% at the end of 1999. Electrification growth rates have been amongst the highest in the world and were achieved without the external funding common in many large scale electrification programmes in the developing world.

An evaluation of the national electrification programme concluded that even though benefits of electrification are limited in households where electricity is only used for lighting and media purposes, electrification in general has clearly improved the welfare of households, and has had significant benefits for communities through improved health care service provision, and enabling schools to become involved in adult education in the evenings. However, it appears that so far the contribution of electrification towards economic development has been limited. This has been attributed to the lack of co-ordination between organisations responsible for electrification and other development initiatives.

In an attempt to increase electricity consumption in low-income households, and so extend the benefits of electricity, the government has introduced a pilot project called the Electricity Basic Support Services Tariff (EBSST). Low-income households are to receive about 50kWh of free electricity. Local municipalities have implemented this tariff but its application and content varies somewhat between different municipalities. For example, some municipalities have adopted a blanket implementation approach whereby all domestic customers benefit while at the same time tariffs have been increased to cover the costs of EBSST. The government plans to extend this service to solar home system customers in the future.

A number of projects for Off -grid electrification have started, the largest being the Eskom Shell project in which 6 000 solar home systems were installed in the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu Natal South Coast on a fee for service basis. Village level focused projects include the Folovhodwe SHS demonstration village and KwaBhaza Energisation projects. In Folovhodwe, about 500 SHS were installed sufficient for covering the whole village. Key issues have been addressed, such as social acceptability of alternatives like SHS and willingness to pay from the customer point of view which should lower the number of defaulters. Unfortunately, there is still a high rate of vandalism and theft of solar panels in the communities and this is a challenge that is likely to affect the sustainability of the projects. The commitment to off-grid electrification is set to continue. Four of the five concessionaires appointed in 1999 have begun installations, and the fifth is scheduled to start before the end of 2002. The government has also received a commitment of about R100 million (10 million Euros) from Kreditanstalt fur Wiederaufbau (KfW) for non-grid electrification and is currently looking for an implementing agent.

Parallel to the EBSST project in grid electrified areas, the government is also exploring the possibility of subsidising the monthly services fees paid by non-grid customers. A pilot project is currently underway in the Eskom-Shell concession area.

Kerosene use has been promoted by the government through measures designed to make it affordable (exemption of levies including the removal of VAT).

For safety reasons, the distribution of LPG is formalised and well regulated. Distributors and retailers of LPG have to be licensed in order to operate. Training in various safety, installation and handling procedures is provided by the LPG Association of Southern Africa.

The government has also taken measures to ensure access to services for low-income groups, particularly in rural areas, through renewable energy sources. There are three aspects to this programme. First, the promotion of sustainable harvesting of wood fuel resources. Second, through the Department of Minerals and Energy, the promotion of solar home systems for basic electrical services such as lighting, radios and black and white television sets. This programme is targeted at remote rural areas, which are not likely to be reached by grid electricity in the medium to long term. Five concessionaires (comprising local and international companies) have been given exclusive rights to a government subsidy to supply SHS systems to identified areas. Third, there are a few pilots concerning the use of Solar Water Heaters and solar cookers in low- income urban households and rural areas respectively. There is a greater general attention being paid to the use of renewable energy sources in South Africa and the World Summit on Sustainable Development held in Johannesburg in 2002, has been a useful driving force in this respect for raising awareness, for example, since the Summit there has been a media campaign to promote solar energy. To affirm its commitment to renewables, the government has released a Renewable Energy White Paper.

Energy saving in low-income households happens both involuntarily and through outside intervention. Involuntarily households facing economic hardship switch to alternative lower quality energy forms which are perceived by the households to be less costly, in direct financial terms. Furthermore, households cook fewer hot meals, and avoid space heating in order to save money. Multiple fuel use, for example, switching from using electricity to paraffin and woodfuel especially for cooking and heating can also been seen as involuntary energy management strategies. Outside intervention from government and Eskom has been through demand side management strategies promoted by the utility, Eskom. Such initiatives include the elecktroWise campaign which aimed to educate people about saving electricity, and using electricity safely within the home. There is an energy efficiency lighting initiative which is lead by BONESA (Pty) Ltd. BONESA is jointly funded by Eskom and the Global Environment Facility. This initiative aims to transform South Africa's lighting market through the promotion of energy efficient lamps and targets rural and urban households, institutions and commercial buildings.

There has been no large scale improved fuelwood stove programme in South Africa. However, the government intends to stimulate local production and promote the use of improved cook stoves in areas where wood is the main cooking fuel. Over the past 20 years, different organisations such as the EDRC, WRF, GTZ have implemented pilot projects. There is a need to evaluate these projects so that the lessons learnt can be fed into any new government initiative. A number of small scale manufacturers also produce medium cost stoves. A pilot programme under Programme for Biomass Energy Conservation in Southern Africa (ProBrec) has started in Northern Province (now known as Limpopo province). To date there have been a series of workshops around improved cooked stoves conducted in the Northern Province. Local artisans are being trained in designing improved wood stoves with the purpose of stimulating local production. A model for an improved cook stoves has been decided upon. The low smoke fuels (LSF) programme was initiated in 1994, the aim of which was to have bituminous coal replaced by LSF by 2000 (R Maake and C Grobbelaar, personal communications 2002). A steering committee, which will form part of the South African Bureau of Standards (SABS) technical committee, has been formed to develop standards for LSF. Parallel to this, the DME has put out a tender to test the draft standards to determine whether the standards will work in a real life situation. Any LSF producer who will apply for government assistance to construct a manufacturing facility will have to ensure that his/her product complies with the LSF standards. The Macro-scale experiment in Qalabotjha was a success in that it confirmed that LSFs could indeed reduce household air pollution by almost 50%, particularly the particulates emissions. It received high level political support with the Minister for Energy participating in the closing ceremony. A significant failure of the programme is that the process has been extremely slow and the original target has not been met. Eight years since the programme started in 1994 low-income households still use coal, and LSF implementation is still under discussion. The intention is to move the LSF programme management from the DME to the Central Energy Fund, and the latter will focus mainly on project funding and implementation. In addition, in order to facilitate entry of LSF into the low-income household market, a marketing and awareness raising campaign will be tested in a prominent township. If successful, this will be replicated in other townships.

Globalisation has not had much effect yet on the household energy sector in terms of pricing and availability of LPG and kerosene. Kerosene has always been available at affordable prices to low-income households http://www.polity.org.za/govdocs/pr/1996/pr0202d.html. However, since 5 October 1994, petrol, diesel and illuminating paraffin prices are adjusted on the first Wednesday of every month based on a mechanism agreed to in the Liquid Fuels Industry Task Force and approved by Cabinet. The price adjustment reflects the fluctuations in the rand/dollar exchange rate and international oil product prices. The Central Energy Fund calculates the latest prices for these fuels for the following month. Their calculations are checked by independent auditors. This figure is then announced in the Government Gazette and the media.

A new innovation which may be attributed to the influences of globalisation is the sale of bottled paraffin which is motivated by the need to curb accidental paraffin poisoning in young children. It is one of the strategies aimed at making paraffin safer for household use, and is likely to ensure that paraffin remains a low-income household fuel despite the introduction of other safer alternative fuels.

Global environmental concerns are expected to increase pressure to use environmentally benign energy sources, and in South Africa it is anticipated that this will lead to a heightened interest in LPG. However, there are bottlenecks with any transition towards greater LPG use, since in South Africa LPG is still not widely distributed or marketed to meet present household consumption demand (needs). Some new suppliers have recently entered the market which have contributed to improving distribution into low-income urban households. In principle, the refinery gate price of LPG is regulated by the South African government, and is closely linked to the price setting for 93 Octane petrol, which in turn is based on the in-bond landed cost (IBLC). The IBLC can be described as an arms length internationally based benchmark for the calculated cost of importing petrol and diesel fuel to South Africa (EDRC 2002). Perhaps of greater significance is that the current pricing mechanism means that the ex-refinery LPG price in South Africa is subject to the international variations in the crude oil price as well as the exchange rate fluctuations. Distribution costs and profit margins in the distribution chain lead to a wide range of LPG costs for end users (EDRC 2002).

The restructuring of the electricity industry is still underway and therefore it is too early yet to assess the effects of this aspect of globalisation at the household level.

[top] [end]C.4 Summary and conclusions

The Department of Minerals and Energy primarily (DME) has the primary responsibility for the energy sector in South Africa. The remit of a number of other Ministries and parastatals overlaps with those of the DME. A recent strategy has been to introduce an element of co-ordination of the different actors in the energy sector by forming working groups around particular issues, with representatives from the affected departments. This is a positive initiative and lacking in many countries. A particular area of concern that could be addressed is the sustainable supply of fuelwood. Fuelwood supply is still within the informal sector and it is not clear if any official body accepts responsibility for sustainable fuelwood. This is of particular concern since up to one third of the population still rely on fuelwood for meeting their basic fuel needs. The co-ordination initiative should be monitored to see if it does address such gaps in responsibility as well as duplication of efforts and if it is successful, it could form a model for best practice.

The supply of all fuels, with the exception of wood, is within the formal sector and is well regulated with safety playing an important part. Petroleum fuels and coal are within the private sector while electricity at present remains within state ownership although there is currently a restructuring process underway. The utility, Eskom, dominates the generation sector supplying about 98% of the country's electricity. Although Eskom is heavily involved in distribution, local authorities also contribute significantly to the distribution and retail of electricity to customers. Local authorities primarily supply electricity to urban and peri-urban customers although some have rural customers. Eskom has the responsibility of providing access to electricity in rural communities. Wood supply is within the unregulated, informal sector and gender differences in terms of who dominates supply can be seen, for example, in many urban areas the sale of wood is an income generating activity, primarily dominated by men while women primarily collect wood for household use, carrying significant loads on their heads.

Government policies since the end of the apartheid era have focused on addressing the injustices created during this period in all aspects of life, including access to energy. Within the energy sector, the primary attention has been to enabling increased access to electricity. The aim was, by 2000, to provide access to electricity for an additional 2 500 000 households, as well as connecting all schools and clinics without electricity. This has been done through grid and non-grid systems. It is a notable success that targets were achieved and access to electricity increased from 36% of the households) in 1994 to about 66% at the end of 1999. The South African electrification programme has set a precedent, using innovative approaches, such as the Electricity Basic Support Services Tariff (EBSST) under which low-income households are to receive about 50 kWh of free electricity, which can provide useful lessons for other countries in the region. An evaluation of the national electrification programme concluded that even though benefits of electrification are limited in households where electricity is only used for lighting and media purposes, electrification in general has clearly improved the welfare of households, and has had significant benefits for communities, for example, through improved health care service provision, and adult education in the evenings. However, it appears that so far the contribution of electrification towards economic development has been limited. This has been attributed to the lack of co-ordination between organisations responsible for electrification and other development initiatives.

Another criticism that can be made of this focus on electricity is that it has not addressed a major energy demand within households: cooking. Electricity is not the cheapest form of energy for this end-use. It is also noticeable that the programme to address indoor air pollution, the low smoke fuels programme, has not had the same level of success. Also the need to address the total lack of a national cookstoves programme has been slow to take off and appears to have been driven by outside organisations. This means that the focus on electricity, coupled with the lack of attention to sustainable wood supply, has resulted in women's household energy needs being badly neglected. Since many of the issues around cooking with wood are linked to women's health and time issues, this neglect would seem to be contradictory to the government's commitment to empower rural women and communities in general.

The forces of globalisation in the South African energy sector are primarily linked to the electricity sector since fossil fuels are already private sector companies charging commercial prices. However, the government is committed to policies of access to affordable high quality fuels for low-income households, which it achieves by restricting taxation on kerosene to purchase tax (VAT) and cross subsidisation, through a fixed quota, of electricity for low-income groups. The pressure of global environmental concerns is expected to help set the agenda for increased use of renewable and clean energy sources and technologies. The World Summit on Sustainable Development held in Johannesburg in 2002 has already been helpful in this regard encouraging the government to issue a White Paper on renewable energy and clean energy development.

[top] [end]D. Household energy information

[top] [end]D.1 Introduction

In order to carry out energy planning effectively, good supply and demand side energy data is needed. By collecting demand side data, which reflects the social construction of society, it can give a more accurate picture of the needs of the population. In addition, public access to energy data is needed for advocacy. South Africa is unusual in that it uses the national census to collect information about household energy.

[top] [end]D.2 Availability and quality of information on the household energy sector

Compared to many countries South Africa has good quality data on household energy use. Data on energy use is collected as part of the national census. This was carried out for the first time in 1996 and this information is now in the public domain. The census was repeated again in 2001 but the energy data has yet to be made public. The quality of this data can be considered to be good.

The 1996 Census data asked questions primarily about the types of fuels households used for cooking, heating and lighting. (http://web.uct.ac.za/depts/cssr/resource/census/census96/pdf)

A number of other surveys have been carried out by researchers, although these have been area specific. The results have been published in journal articles and on web sites.

South African Petroleum Industry Association (SAPIA) releases information quarterly on the volume of sales of petroleum products, which includes kerosene (paraffin) and LPG.

The national electricity regulator tracks electrification progress, as measured by the number of connections.

[top] [end]D.3 Responsibility for collection of household energy information

Statistics South Africa collects National Census data which includes information about some forms of energy use. This data, along with the commercial fuels supply data, is used by the Department of Minerals and Energy for planning.

[top] [end]D.4 Summary and conclusions

South Africa is fortunate in having access to comprehensive data on certain aspects of household energy use, which is in the public domain. However, while one can consider that the data that is available is reliable, it is limited and tends to be supply side orientated. For example, although volume sales of LPG are available it is not possible to determine who is using it and for what purposes. The number of electricity connections does not reflect whether or not the electricity is being used, for what purpose and peoples' perceptions. This limited information about household energy, that is, which fuels are used for cooking, lighting and heating, may in the future improve as the data collection techniques are refined.

There are some useful detailed studies, also available in the public domain, although they give insights only into localised situations and not the complete nation picture.

[top] [end]E. Household energy case studies

[top] [end]E.1 Introduction

This section contains case studies of three households in two provinces of South Africa. They cannot be extrapolated to represent the whole household sector in South Africa. However, they do offer some useful insights into a dominant issue in household energy in South Africa: the access to modern fuels, particularly electricity. Two households are connected to the grid. All three households are located in relatively fuelwood rich areas. Male household members are in regular employment and in two of the three households women also contribute to household income. The households can be described as middle-income for their particular location.

The three households can be set against the general findings reported in section A. While they are in general agreement, each exhibits its own characteristics, which is a useful reminder that aggregated data can mask important individual nuances. All households have only two generations: parents and children. However, it should be borne in mind that the HIV/AIDS pandemic in South Africa has its impact on the formation of the household which can create its own tensions in relation to energy. Two of the households described here have children of school age whereas the third consists of only of second generation working adults.

[top] [end]E.2 Summary & key issues: case 1

This rural household is located in the northern part of KwaZulu Natal province on the North Eastern coast of South Africa. The climate is subtropical coastal belt.

The family accommodation consists of two buildings with walls made from a mixture of mud and cement, corrugated iron sheets for the roof and a mud floor. The kitchen is separate from the living and sleeping accommodation. The house was constructed by the owner to no particular specification.

The household is a family of five, with mother (a widow) and her four adult children, two sons and two daughters. (The household size is slightly smaller than average for the area.) Mrs Mthethwa, aged 65, is a pensioner and nominal 'household head'. Her eldest son, Posi is the main breadwinner and effectively acts as a household head even though he works far from home. His brother Ezekiel works as a labourer and lives at home. One of their two sisters, Sonto is a domestic worker while Nomusa is not in formal employment. She has irregular income from selling insurance. Nomusa is responsible for maintaining the household which includes making decisions regarding cooking with a significant input from their mother. The household is in not involved in any micro-enterprise activities.

The family makes decisions jointly about major purchases. However, the influence on decision making is strongly related to the contribution to the household income. Posi is the primary decision maker; this role is based on age, gender and income.

The household income is about R3 500 or 350 euros. All household members contribute to the household income. Mrs Mthethwa has a pension. Three of the household members are in full-time employment while one has irregular earnings. The family does use credit at the local food store for groceries but do not seem to use credit for major purchases, such as furniture and appliances.

Wood collection is not a significant problem in this location, however there is no electricity in the area. The family uses LPG and wood for cooking. LPG is preferred because it is clean and fast, although it has to be bought in town nearly 20 km away. However, wood is also used because it is easily available, and can be collected at no cost. Candles are used for lighting; they are believed to be cheaper, no appliance is needed and there are no maintenance costs. Dry cell batteries are used for powering the radio.

The household monthly expenditure on energy is R62.64 (around 6.26 Euros); R20.64 on candles, R27 on LPG, and R15 on dry cell batteries. Energy costs around 13% of household income.

Fuel use does not vary significantly throughout the season since the temperatures are fairly constant. However, should heat be needed in a cold spell, wood is used.

Nomusa collects the fuel wood and spends about 30 minutes a day. Her sister bought an LPG stove. Both women are responsible for cooking the household's meals. There are three meals a day. For breakfast there is bread with eggs and sometimes polony, cheese and tea. Bread with soup for lunch. It takes about 15 minutes to prepare this for a small family. For dinner they eat pap, cabbages/spinach and where possible meat. Alternatively samp and beans are prepared instead of pap. It takes about 1 hour 30 minutes to prepare pap and vegetables while samp and beans will take about 2 to 3 hours depending on individual preference on how soft it should be.

The main issue for this household is lack of access to grid electricity, for safer lighting (candles are a fire hazard) and entertainment. Solar Home systems are only just being introduced to this area so the family have not had a chance to consider purchasing one.

[top] [end]E.3 Summary & key issues: case 2

This case study describes a rural household living in an area where there is grid electricity, communal water taps, and toilet facilities (each household has an outside pit toilet). The house is located in the village of Garagopola located at the base of the Maadimo mountain on the border of Northern Province near Mpumalanga. Garagopola was established in the 1970s when people were forcibly removed from the surrounding areas. This has also resulted in the anomaly that the village has the sort of organisation associated with urban areas: the houses are very close together and are numbered.

The household head is Mr Maupa, a male migrant worker who is employed in Vereeniging near Johannesburg. This is typical for the region. In the absence of her husband, Mrs Maupa, is a de facto household head. There are four children in the family, aged between 6 and 15 years. The family size is typical for the location.

Mr Maupa is a migrant worker and he sends remittances home every month. Mrs Maupa is a full-time housewife and so is responsible for managing the house and looking after the children. All the children are at school and they are responsible for fetching water. The household is not involved in any micro-enterprise activities.

Mr Maupa makes the decisions on household spending since he is the breadwinner. However, Mr and Mrs Maupa do discuss major purchases together first. Mrs Maupa makes decisions about the areas she is responsible for: food provision, fuels, cooking and the children. Sometimes their decisions are influenced by their children. For example, they bought a TV because their children went to neighbours to watch it. The annual income for the household is 1200 Euro which comes entirely from Mr Maupa's job.

The Maupa family lives in a 6 roomed brick house which was built by a professional builder. The house consists of four bedrooms, a kitchen and living room.

Electricity is the main energy source in this household. It is used to cook three meals a day, lighting and powering radios/TV, kettle, and ironing. Paraffin and candles are used as substitutes for electricity when there is a power failure, which is more common in winter. They also own a coal stove which is used on cold days for space heating and cooking. However, because temperatures are very mild in the area, space heating is not a major requirement and the coal stove is not used daily for heating. Speed /time saving are important criteria for influencing decisions about fuels, for example, Mrs Maupa prefers to cook using her electric hotplate because it is faster than other fuels (mainly paraffin and coal). However, she also likes cooking on the coal stove because she can use more than two pots at the same time. She also prefers to use an electric kettle for heating water to bath and boiling water for tea because it is faster. Individual/cultural preferences also play a significant role. Mrs Maupa prefers to cook beef and beans on a coal stove.

Mrs Maupa used to be responsible for collecting wood twice a week. However, Mrs Maupa suffered a stroke in 1998 and she no longer feels strong enough to carry wood so the family has stopped relying on this fuel. There is a reasonable supply of wood in the locality and households in the area spend about an hour per week collecting wood.

Mrs Maupa prepares all the family food: bread, fried eggs and tea for breakfast, maize meal pap, vegetables and a gravy for lunch and supper. The monthly energy expenditure (as of July 1999) was between R103-108: R70 on electricity, between R5 (2 litres) and R10 (4 litres) on paraffin, R8 on candles (3 packets of 6 candles each), and about R20 in winter for coal. The household spends about 10 per cent of their income on energy.

The family owns a number of appliances, including: coal stove, electric hot plate, paraffin stove, fridge, and TV. The Maupa family have made use of credit to purchase major items, for example, in 1996 bought a fridge costing 557 Euros on HP.

[top] [end]E.4 Summary & key issues: case 3

[top] [end]E.7 Overall summary and conclusions

The three households both use modern fuels: electricity in two and LPG in one. All three households are located in areas where wood can be gathered in a reasonably short period of time. Despite this, electricity is used for cooking which, due to cost, is not considered to be normal fuel switching practice even in high income households. Multiple fuel use is found in all three households which is consistent with the general findings. Wood is not totally displaced but is used as a secondary fuel. It is quite noticeable in all three households external factors, such as power failures, play an important role in influencing fuel allocation. However, multiple fuel use is not only a question of reducing risk but also a question of matching appropriateness. In Case 2, the coal stove is preferred over the electric hot plate since it allows for two pans to be used simultaneously. In general, for cooking, speed and time saving are the criteria for selection of the fuels. Electricity is seen as the preferred option to candles for lighting for safety reasons. Multiple fuel use is also a household energy management strategy for cost saving. Women in the three households had influence and control over fuels for cooking since it was their area of responsibility. Men were involved in decisions about major purchases, including energy equipment. However, women were able to use their status through income, or negotiating skills to influence purchases. Women also used their own income to make energy equipment purchases, such as an LPG stove or kerosene for income generation activities. It is also worth remembering, the influence children have on their parents in acquiring technologies. In one of the households, they had been instrumental in the parents buying a TV set.

Credit has been used to purchase items which use modern energy forms. However, not all households want to use credit even when they would be regarded as "creditworthy" on the basis of income.

The case studies here reflect an issue of political significance in South Africa: access to electricity. Perhaps it is best to let the family from Case 3 explain why electricity is of such great importance in transforming their daily lives:

Mrs Makofane: I have less work now because electricity is doing everything for me. Everything is fast when using electricity - water boils fast in the kettle. We can use lights and the stove at the same time. I no longer wash pots that are very dirty. I boil water in the kettle. I no longer go to the mountains to fetch wood. In fact, electricity has done a lot for me - I do not know what more to say.

Mr Makofane appreciates that his wife no longer has to go to the mountain to collect wood: I am satisfied with my life, because we used to say that white people oppressed us because they had a lot of things such as electricity, but now my wife no longer has to the mountain to collect wood. If I want tea it only takes five minutes, then I drink my tea without my wife having to work hard - take an axe to chop wood, make a fire and boil water -in order to give me tea.

Sparknet, May 2004

Categories: South Africa| Country Profiles

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Page created: 04 April 2004; Last edited: 30 May 2007; Version: 3
Knowledge Bank text is available under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License.

Pagename: SouthAfricaCountrySynthesis @HEDON: TYAA

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